Quinton Fortune

Quinton Fortune, né le 21 mai 1977 au Cap (Cap occidental), est un footballeur international sud-africain.

Après une formation au Tottenham Hotspur, Fortune se fait remarquer en Espagne, avec le RCD Majorque puis l’Atlético Madrid. Sa carrière prend une autre dimension avec son transfert à Manchester United. Fortune passe six saisons en Angleterre, participant à trois titres de champion (2000, 2001 et 2003) et une FA Cup (2004) mais ne voit seulement figurer le Community Shield 2003 à son palmarès. Il signe ensuite à Bolton, Brescia Calcio puis dans le club belge de Tubize, avant de mettre fin à sa carrière chez les Doncaster Rovers.

Quinton Fortune porte le maillot de l’équipe d’Afrique du Sud à 47 reprises. Il prend part aux Coupes du monde 1998 et 2002, inscrivant un but cette dernière. Fortune participe aussi à trois Coupes d’Afrique des nations (1998, 2000 et 2002) dont une place de finaliste lors de la première.

Quinton Fortune quitte l’Afrique du Sud à l’adolescence pour l’Angleterre. Il intègre les équipes jeunes de Tottenham tout en allant à l’école dans le nord-est de Londres. À 17-18 ans, il passe quelques jours en test à Bruges mais sans suite. Faute de permis de travail délivré, il ne peut exercer son métier dans ce pays et doit s’en aller.

Durant l’été 1995, Fortune quitte l’Angleterre pour l’Espagne et signe à l’Atlético Madrid en Liga qui le prête tout de suite au RCD Majorque, qui évolue en Segunda División. Après six mois et huit apparitions pour une seule titularisation, il retourne dans la capitale espagnol.

Au terme de sa première saison à Madrid, l’équipe remporte le championnat et la Coupe d’Espagne, mais Fortune ne dispute pas assez de matches de championnat ni la finale pour se voir attribuer les trophées. Au début de la saison suivante, il connait ses premières sélections en équipe d’Afrique du Sud. Il reste quatre saisons dans la capitale espagnole mais ne joue pas beaucoup, il ne dispute en effet que sept rencontres toutes compétitions confondues. Il évolue principalement avec le Club Atlético de Madrid B, équipe réserve du club, en deuxième division.

Alors qu’il évolue avec la réserve madrilène, Fortune attire l’attention de Sir Alex Ferguson qui finit par le faire venir à Manchester United pour 1,5 millions £ à l’été 1999. Il revient en Angleterre, quatre ans après en être parti.

En août 1999, Quinton Fortune signe à Manchester United. Il fait ses débuts en tant que remplaçant à la fin du mois lors d’une victoire (5-1) à domicile contre Newcastle United.

S’il est initialement engagé afin de devenir la doublure de Ryan Giggs à la suite de la blessure de Jesper Blomqvist, il est par la suite chargé de pallier toutes les absences que ce soit en tant que milieu défensif ou arrière gauche.

Malgré sa présence fréquente dans le groupe durant les premières saisons, Fortune est en proie à des blessures à répétition notamment au genou.

Fortunes fait partie de trois équipes gagnantes de la Premier League en 1999-2000, 2000-2001 et 2002-2003, mais ne joue jamais le minimum de dix matchs nécessaires pour obtenir une médaille de vainqueur. Son seul et unique titre sous la tunique mancunienne, malgré le nombre important glané par son club durant cette période, est le Community Shield en 2003.

Une fois l’arrivée de Gabriel Heinze à l’été 2004, ses chances de s’imposer en équipe première s’amenuisent et ses jours sont comptés back shaver.

En juillet 2005, l’international sud-africain de 28 ans subit une blessure au cartilage du genou à l’entraînement juste trois jours après le début de la préparation d’avant-saison de Manchester United. Son absence est estimée à une durée pouvant aller jusqu’à six semaines. Pour cette saison 2005-2006, il ne dispute pas la moindre rencontre, et est libéré de son contrat.

Après un essai réussi avec les Bolton Wanderers, Quinton Fortune signe un contrat d’un an au début de la saison 2006-2007. Il débute comme premier choix au poste d’arrière gauche mais ses blessures sont toujours présentes. Il se blesse au bout de seulement cinq matches et ne réapparaît qu’en fin de saison. Le joueur est libéré à la fin de la saison après avoir fait sept apparitions pour le club.

Fortune réalise alors des essais dans plusieurs clubs du championnat d’Angleterre, tels que Sunderland, Blackburn ou Sheffield United, sans succès.

Le 23 octobre 2008, après plus d’un an sans club, Quinton Fortune signe pour une saison avec le club italien de Brescia (Serie B). Mais c’est un échec : une seule apparition jusqu’à la trêve hivernale. Il se retrouve en effet bloqué dans un club où des divergences avec le coach l’empêchent de jouer. En janvier 2009, il est prêté au club belge de l’AFC Tubize jusqu’à la fin de saison. Le natif du Cap relève le défi des promus grâce notamment aux bonnes relations entre Tubize et Brescia. Lors de ses deux premières rencontres, lui et son équipe encaisse onze buts. Au total, il dispute neuf rencontres pour un but.

Le 4 août 2009, Quinton Fortune s’engage pour une saison avec les Doncaster Rovers en deuxième division anglaise. Il y fait sept apparitions avec comme point d’orgue un but égalisateur en fin de match le 19 septembre face au Ipswich Town de son ancien capitaine et coéquipier Roy Keane. En février 2010, le club résilie son contrat avant même la fin de la saison.

Par la suite, sans club, Fortune s’entraîne avec l’équipe réserve de Manchester United afin de se maintenir en forme et déclare qu’il aimerait bien jouer dans son pays natal si une offre correcte se présente. Il effectue ensuite un essai dans le club vietnamien des T&T Hanoi qui s’avère infructueux.

Le 14 septembre 1996

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, Fortune obtient sa première sélection avec l’Afrique du Sud face au Kenya (victoire 1-0).

En février 1998, il participe à la Coupe d’Afrique des nations en tant que remplaçant. L’Afrique du Sud atteint la finale du tournoi. Quelques mois plus tard il est également sélectionné pour participer à la Coupe du monde 1998 et y est titulaire. Son équipe est éliminée dès le premier tour.

En 2000, Quinton Fortune termine troisième de la Coupe d’Afrique des nations avec sa sélection. Il participe également aux Jeux olympiques de Sydney cette année-là. Après un défaite face au Japon (2-1) black and football socks, Fortune ouvre le score sur coup-franc face au Brésil lors du second (victoire 3-1). Il est un joueur-clé de l’équipe, et son absence se fait sentir durant le troisième match de poule contre la Slovaquie (défaite 2-1), notamment pour son esprit créatif et sa seule présence au sein de l’équipe. Ce match signe l’élimination de son équipe.

En 2002, il est à nouveau sélectionné pour participer à la Coupe d’Afrique des nations, mais l’Afrique du Sud est éliminée en quart de finale 2-0 face au Mali. Il participe ensuite à la Coupe du monde 2002, mais encore une fois les Sud-Africains sont éliminés dès la phase de poule. Il y inscrit toutefois son premier but international face au Paraguay sur pénalty (match nul 2-2). C’est le dernier tournoi international qu’il dispute.

En effet, à la suite de la Coupe du monde 2002, plusieurs joueurs clés de l’équipe dont Fortune quitte la sélection nationale après s’être brouillés avec l’entraîneur Ephraim Mashaba.

En 2004, Stuart Baxter le convainc, ainsi que Benni McCarthy et Shaun Bartlett, de revenir dans les rangs de « Bafana Bafana ».

Il effectue son dernier match international le 26 mars 2005 face à l’Ouganda lors d’un match comptant pour les qualifications pour la CAN et le Mondial 2006 (victoire 2-1 de l’Afrique du Sud). Au cours de ce match, il inscrit son second et dernier but sous les couleurs sud-africaines.

À la suite de sa retraite de joueur, Fortune retourne à Manchester United pour passer ses diplômes d’entraîneur auprès de l’équipe réserve, qu’il termine en 2013. L’ancien international sud-africain devient aussi ambassadeur de Manchester pour dénicher de jeunes talents en Afrique.

Le 5 juillet 2011, il déclare face à la presse congolaise qu’il souhaiterait devenir entraîneur et qu’il a pour modèles Alex Ferguson et José Mourinho.

À l’été 2014, Fortune a été nommé directeur de l’équipe U21 de Cardiff City, travaillant avec son ancien coéquipier Ole Gunnar Solskjær, avant de quitter son poste en février 2015.

À son arrivée à United, le gaucher est vu comme un ailier offensif, mais il devient un joueur d’utilité, en jouant dans toutes sortes de positions. Sir Alex Ferguson se sert de lui pour compléter sa défense, et Fortune joue milieu défensif ou comme arrière gauche.

Le tableau ci-dessous illustre les statistiques de Quinton Fortune durant sa carrière professionnelle.

Quinton Fortune joue à 47 reprises pour l’équipe d’Afrique du Sud de football avec qui il inscrit deux buts. Il connaît sa première victoire dès ses débuts face au Kenya le 14 septembre 1996 lors de la Four Nations Cup, tournoi amical (victoire 1-0). Il enchaîne par une seconde rencontre la semaine suivante mais ne joue ensuite pas avec les Bafana Bfana avant février 1998 et la Coupe d’Afrique des nations.

Fortune doit attendre sa huitième capes (25 mai 1998) et un match amical contre l’Argentine pour disputer un match international en entier. Auparavant il connaît sept rentrées en jeu pour une seule titularisation. Sur ses 47 sélections, il n’en dispute que vingt en totalité (42 %).

Quinton Fortune inscrit son premier but international sur penalty (2-2) contre le Paraguay, le 2 juin 2002 lors de la Coupe du monde et pour sa 41e sélection. Il marque son second et dernier but en sélection lors de son ultime match international, le 26 mars 2005 contre l’Ouganda en qualification à la fois pour la CAN et Coupe du monde 2006.

En 47 sélections, Fortune connaît 23 victoires, 14 matchs nuls et 10 défaites. Il ne connaît pas de victoire plus large que par deux buts d’écarts. Ses revers les plus importants ont lieu le 12 juin 1998 contre la France lors du Mondial 1998 (3-0) et le 27 mars 2002 en Géorgie en match amical (4-1).

Lors de sa première saison à l’Atlético Madrid, son équipe remporte le championnat et la Coupe d’Espagne, mais Fortune ne dispute pas assez de matchs de championnat, ni la finale pour se voir attribuer les trophées.

Quinton Fortune fait partie de trois équipes vainqueurs de la Premier League en 1999-2000, 2000-2001 et 2002-2003, mais ne joue jamais le minimum de dix matchs nécessaires pour obtenir une médaille de vainqueur. Son seul et unique titre sous la tunique mancunienne, malgré le nombre important glané par son club durant cette période, est le Community Shield en 2003.

Fortune est aussi ambassadeur de l’Unicef et a notamment rendu visite à des enfants atteints du sida en Ouganda en 2000, à Johannesburg en Afrique du Sud en 2005 et à Soweto également dans son pays natal en 2006 .

L’ancien ailier de Manchester s’engage également contre les violences conjugales en 2010.

Maqbool

Maqbool (hindi: मक़बूल, urdu: مقبُول) – bollywoodzka adaptacja Makbeta Szekspira wyreżyserowana w 2004 przez autora Omkara, Vishala Bhardwaja. W rolach głównych Pankaj Kapoor, Irrfan Khan, Tabu. Film opowiada historie porachunków między mumbajskimi gangami, przedstawia zdrady i zabójstwa popełniane z miłości i żądzy władzy.

Film miał premierę na międzynarodowym festiwalu filmowym w Kanadzie w Toronto 2003. film cieszył się uznaniem krytyków. Pankaj Kapoor otrzymał Nagrodę Filmfare Krytyków dla Najlepszego Aktora i Nagroda IIFA dla Najlepszego Aktora Drugoplanowego.

Podobnie jak Omkara tego samego reżysera, adaptacja Otella Szekspira film ten zalicza się do artystycznego kina Indii.

Mumbaj pro football jerseys. Dwaj skorumpowani policjanci (Om Puri, Naseeruddin Shah) pomagają gangsterom rozliczyć się z konkurencyjną bandą. Płynie krew. Kaka (Piyush Mishra) “wtajemnicza” w akt zabijania swojego syna meat mallet definition. Uczy go rzemiosła, które przechodzi z ojca na syna. Krew płynie na rozkaz muzułmańskiego szefa mafii, “mesjasza mniejszości” Abhaji (Pankaj Kapoor). Prawą ręką gangstera jest wychowany w jego domu Miyan Maqbool (Irrfan Khan). Wkrótce jego niewolnicza wierność wobec Ahaji zostaje wystawiona na próbę. Nie jest w stanie nie ulec urokowi Nimmi (Tabu), kochanki Abhaji. Urzeczona nim kobieta budzi w Maqboolu fascynację, a z czasem głębsze uczucie. Do zdrady dochodzi w cieniu przygotowań do ślubu córki Abhaji. Oboje zakochani zdradzają tego samego człowieka. Mimo nabytej doświadczeniem nieufności Abhaji, którego siłę i przemoc odczuło tak wielu ludzi, wobec miłości i żądzy władzy Maqboola i Nimmi staje się bezbronny. Pewnej nocy oboje staną nad nim śpiącym z bronią w ręce. Przebudzi się, aby umrzeć…

Muzykę do filmu skomponował Vishal Bharadwaj, autor muzyki do Satya, Maachis, Chachi 420, No Smoking, Cichy what does lemon squeeze mean, Maqbool, Omkara (dwa ostatnie też reżyserował). 11 piosenek do tekstów Gulzara.

China Railways JF

The China railways ‘Liberation’ (解放) type steam locomotive (transliteration Jie Fang: JF) was a type of 2-8-2 mainline general purpose steam locomotive.

The first locomotives of the type were originally used by Imperial Japan on the Asia mainland; the first 20 units were built by ALCO (USA) in 1918, later nearly 2000 machines were built in Japan and at the Shahekou factory (Dalian, northern China) for use in Japanese-occupied northeast China and Korea. After the formation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) over 400 locomotives were manufactured in China for domestic use, manufactured ended in 1960 tenderize steak marinade, some locomotive remained in service until the end of the 20th century free glass bottles.

The class were introduced to northeast China by the Japanese during their period of influence over the region, (see Russo-Japanese War); the first locomotives were built by the American Locomotive Company (ALCO) in 1918, then at factories in Japan (Hitachi, Kawasaki) and at the Shahekou factory. Under Japanese ownership the locomotives were classed as ㄇㄎ type.

Approximately 140 units were built by 1935, at which time the design underwent modifications, including a shortened boiler and reduced heating surface. By the end of the Second Sino-Japanese War (WW2) nearly 2000 units had been built, of which around 1400 were inherited by the PRC.

From 1950 to 1952 Sifang locomotive works assembled 20 locomotives of the class – locomotive number 2101 was the first produced, and was propagandised as the first Chinese locomotive by the new Chinese state of the People’s Republic of China. Sifang, Dalian works, and Qiqihar works were manufacturers of the class. The name 解放 (Liberation) custom team uniforms, or JF, was adopted in 1959.

The chassis design was combined with a new boiler influenced from Russian designs to create the China Railways JS class, produced from 1957 onwards. Production of the JF type ended in 1960 after 455 units had been made.

The locomotives were used across the Chinese railway system, and were in service on the national railway system until 1996; on industrial rail networks some locomotives remained in use until the early 2000s. Several of the class have been preserved.

Pelhoenders

Pelhoenders zijn een groep van overwegend Europese kippenrassen, die een kenmerkende zilverzwarte of goudzwarte tekening vertonen.

Het opvallende van pelhoenders is de tekening van de veren, waarbij deze een typische bandvormige tekening hebben. De precieze vorm van deze tekening is per ras verschillend en in de rasstandaards voorgeschreven. Uitgezonderd zijn de halsveren bij de hen, die een effen kleur hebben. Bij de haan kan de pelling ook volkomen ontbreken, afhankelijk van ras en leeftijd. De meeste pelhoenderrassen hebben een zilverzwarte en een goudzwarte variant. Dat meer varianten mogelijk zijn, toont het Fries hoen met tien gepelde kleurslagen.

Een gemeenschappelijk kenmerk van pelhoenders is de goede eierproductie, de meeste rassen komen op meer dan 200 eieren per jaar. Pelhoenders zijn relatief licht. Een uitzondering is de Groninger meeuw, waarvan de haan meer dan 3,5 kg kan wegen.

De oudst bekende afbeelding van een pelhoen komt uit de werken van Ulisse Aldrovandi. Hij beeldde een haan en een hen af met de typische tekening van een pelhoen. Zijn benaming ervoor was Gallus turcicus, oftewel ‘Turks hoen’. Hieruit blijkt dat dergelijke hoenders rond 1600 bekend waren en mogelijk uit Anatolië stamden. Vast staat dat gepelde hoenders in Noord-West-Europa vanaf de zeventiende eeuw tot de algemeen bekende hoenders behoorden. Een opvallende concentratie ervan wordt anno 2016 gevonden in de kuststrook langs de Noordzee dry bag, van Holland tot Oost-Friesland. Verder zijn pelhoenders veelvoorkomend in Vlaanderen en Brabant met een oostelijke enclave in Westfalen 1.5 liter glass water bottle. De vorm is de typische landhoenvorm.

Pumi language

The Pumi language (also known as Prinmi) is a Qiangic language used by the Pumi people, an ethnic group from Yunnan, China soccer designs for t shirts, as well as by the Tibetan people of Muli in Sichuan, China. Most native speakers live in Lanping, Ninglang, Lijiang how to tenderize steak fast, Weixi and Muli. Earlier works suggest there are two branches of Pumi (southern and northern), and they are not mutually intelligible. A more refined division proposes three major groups: Western Prinmi (spoken in Lanping), Central Prinmi (spoken in southwestern Ninglang, Lijiang pro football jerseys, Yulong and Yongsheng) and Northern Prinmi (spoken in northern Ninglang and Sichuan).

The autonym of the Pumi is pʰʐə̃˥mi˥ in Western Prinmi, pʰɹĩ˥mi˥ in Central Prinmi, and pʰʐõ˥mə˥˧ in Northern Prinmi with variants such as pʰɹə̃˥mə˥ and tʂʰə̃˥mi˥˧ discount football socks.

In Muli Bonist priests read religious texts in Tibetan, which needs to be interpreted into Prinmi. An attempt to teach Pumi children to write their language using the Tibetan script has been seen in Ninglang. A pinyin-based Roman script has been proposed, but is not commonly used.

Dialects of Pumi include the following (Pumiyu Fangyan Yanjiu 2001).

Jackie Presser

Jackie Presser (August 6, 1926 – July 9, 1988) was an American labor leader and president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters from 1983 until his death in 1988. He was closely connected to organized crime, and allegedly became president of the Teamsters based on the approval and support of the Cleveland Mafia. From 1972 until his death, he was also an informant for the Federal Bureau of Investigation concerning Mafia influence in the Teamsters union.

Presser was born in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1926. His grandfather, a Jewish immigrant from Austria, became a garment worker, and was active in and participated in several strikes led by various garment makers’ unions in New York City. Presser’s father, William (Bill) Presser, was at the time of Jackie’s birth a Teamster organizer. The Pressers were very poor: Bill Presser stuffed newspapers into shoes to block holes in the uppers and strengthen worn-out soles. The family often moved into an apartment at the beginning of the month and out again at the end of the month because the Pressers could not afford the rent.

Bill Presser, however, was a protege of Jimmy Hoffa and quickly rose within the local football player shirts, regional and international Teamsters ranks. He was elected president of the Ohio Conference of Teamsters and eventually a vice president of the international union. Bill Presser was also intimately connected with the Cleveland mob.

Presser’s childhood was by his own account a happy one. However, he was deeply influenced by his family’s poverty, and by the anti-semitic prejudice he often encountered.

Presser dropped out of school in the middle of the eighth grade. Using his father’s connections, he got a job delivering juke boxes to local restaurants and bars.

Presser enlisted in the United States Navy in 1943 when he was 17, and served in World War II. After the war, Presser returned to Cleveland and got a job as a truck driver for a vending machine company.

After a year as a truck driver, Presser was hired as a union organizer by Local 10, a Cleveland affiliate of the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees Union. In 1948, Presser was elected president of Local 10. He merged his local with four other local unions in order to improve the workers’ collective bargaining position. He also began receiving a markedly larger salary, and spending large amounts of money on travel and automobiles. He wore pinky rings and diamond bracelets, and became notorious for wearing loud, brightly colored sports jackets. He also began to gain substantial amounts of weight, a health problem he would fight for the rest of his life. In 1952, Presser lost re-election as union president after members became dissatisfied with his colorful and lavish lifestyle.

In 1952, Jackie Presser was hired as an organizer by the international Teamsters union and held a series of staff jobs for the next 12 years. Presser’s break came in 1964, when he and his father brokered a real estate deal in suburban Cleveland for a group of local investors (which included himself). The investors built an upscale sports club and restaurant on the property secured by a $1.1 million loan from the Teamsters’ Central States Pension Fund. The project went bankrupt, however, and the pension fund lost more than $265,000.

Presser also undertook a personal transformation at this time. He stopped wearing flashy rings and loud clothing and began expressing a taste for expensive, conservative, tailored suits. He also undertook a series of diets in an unsuccessful attempt to lose weight (he weighed close to 140 kg [300 pounds] for the rest of his life).

In 1966, Bill Presser gave his son Jackie a charter to form a new Teamsters local in Cleveland. Jackie Presser organized 12 workers at a local paint company and established Local 507. Presser hired a number of organizers, and Local 507 quickly organized 6,000 workers in dozens of plants and warehouses in the Cleveland area -— making Local 507 the largest Teamster local in the metropolitan area.

Bill and Jackie Presser soon were some of the most powerful men in the Teamsters union. By 1972, the father-son combination led the Ohio Conference of Teamsters. Jackie Presser quickly helped make the Ohio Conference a model within the Teamsters for providing social services, engaging in union-member communications, and undertaking effective political activity. Both Pressers were also trustees of the Teamster’s Central States Pension Fund, one of the richest and most influential pension plans in the nation.

Jackie Presser was elected an international vice president of the Teamsters in 1976. His father, Bill Presser, was forced to resign his vice presidency after he was convicted of extortion and obstruction of justice. According to court testimony, Bill Presser and the Cleveland mob agreed to nominate Jackie as Bill Presser’s successor. Bill Presser met with Roy Lee Williams, then president of the Central Conference of Teamsters -— a regional council which controlled union locals in 14 Midwestern states (including Ohio). Williams, who was working with the Kansas City crime family, agreed to help Presser convince Teamster President Fitzsimmons to make Jackie a vice president. Jackie Presser’s subsequent election was unanimous.

As an international vice president, Presser urged the Teamsters to root out corruption and pushed for a massive public relations campaign to improve the union’s image. In 1977, the Teamsters built a large public relations operation at its headquarters in Washington, D.C. Presser soon won authorization for a $250,000-a-year advertising campaign, and the union began sponsoring football games on the radio.

But that same year Presser, along with Fitzsimmons and 17 other Teamster leaders, was forced to resign as a trustee of the Central States Pension Fund. The Department of Justice had charged Presser and others with making improper loans to mob-controlled Las Vegas casinos, racetracks and real estate investments. In 1978, Presser was named a defendant in a civil suit brought by the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL), which sought damages and reimbursement on behalf of union retirees.

By 1979, Presser was making $231,676 a year. He drew a salary as both secretary-treasurer of Local 507 and as an international vice president of the union.

Jackie Presser, along with his father and Teamsters President Frank Fitzsimmons, became informers for the federal government in 1972. Bill Presser had been indicted by the federal government on bribery, embezzlement and other charges. Jimmy Hoffa, meanwhile, had been released from federal prison and was seeking to regain the presidency of the Teamsters. The three men offered the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) incriminating evidence about Hoffa and other rivals in the Teamsters union. The Pressers agreed to supply their evidence if the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) would drop its indictment against the senior Presser. Unbeknownst to Fitzsimmons, the Pressers told the IRS that they had evidence of illegal activities by Fitzsimmons as well. The IRS was not receptive to the offers, and DOJ refused to drop its indictment of Bill Presser (some charges were eventually dropped, and Bill Presser was found innocent of others). Angry at the government’s refusal, Fitzsimmons allegedly contacted White House chief counsel Charles Colson (who was the Nixon administration’s liaison to labor groups) and sought a meeting with President Richard Nixon. Embarrassed, IRS and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agents subsequently interviewed Jackie Presser in late 1972. Presser’s information was verified, and Presser spent the rest of his life as an FBI informer.

Presser began receiving $2,500 a month (roughly $12,500 in 2007 dollars) from the FBI for providing information. Presser was considered a “top-echelon informant,” marking him as one of the Bureau’s most prized sources.

Shortly thereafter, Presser allegedly received permission from two FBI agents to pad the Local 507 payroll with fake employees. The individuals hired as “ghost employees” were not required to do any work but nevertheless received substantial paychecks. The paychecks, it was later claimed, were a way of funneling payments to Teamsters officials and members of the Cleveland mob.

According to court records, in 1974 Jackie Presser became deeply involved in mafia affairs. He allegedly told the leaders of the Chicago mafia that he was willing to do them favors in exchange for money and assistance. Jimmy “The Weasel” Fratianno, a former hitman in the Cleveland crime family and later acting head of the Los Angeles crime family, later testified that Chicago crime boss Joseph Aiuppa told him in 1974 that “if you need anything from Jackie Presser, he said he’ll do it for you.” Fratianno also testified that he colluded with Presser to set up a union dental program whose profits were skimmed into Presser’s and the Mafia’s bank accounts.

Organizationally, however, Presser was under the control of the Cleveland crime family.

Presser’s involvement with organized crime eventually led to fears for his safety. In 1976, a battle for control inside the Cleveland mafia broke out. Longtime Cleveland mob boss John T. Scalish died without naming a successor. John Nardi, a high-ranking Teamster leader, formed a coalition with mobster Danny Greene to seize control of the Cleveland crime family. They were opposed by Scalish lieutenant James “Blackie” Licavoli. Eventually Nardi and Greene were murdered by Licavoli, along with several other Teamsters officials. Presser feared he was next. The FBI gave Presser a small radio transmitter that supposedly could detonate a car bomb from a distance. Presser also hired a large contingent of muscular bodyguards who accompanied him everywhere he went (including Teamster meetings). Despite being armed with the radio device and surrounded by guards, Presser fled to Florida and moved from hotel to hotel every few days until the gang war ended.

In 1977, Presser allegedly used his mob connections to seek political favors from President Jimmy Carter. According to Fratianno’s court testimony, Presser asked Fratianno to locate someone who could persuade Carter to put pressure on DOJ, DOL and the FBI in criminal investigations or to secure pardons for Presser associates. Fratianno claimed that William Marchiondo, an Albuquerque lawyer, later met with Presser. Marchiondo was an associate of former New Mexico Governor Jerry Apodaca, and Fratianno believed that Marchiondo and Apodaca felt they had Carter’s ear because they had supported the president’s candidacy early in the 1976 primary season.

In 1980, Ronald Reagan forged a close political relationship with Jackie Presser. During Reagan’s 1980 campaign for president, Jackie Presser served as one of Reagan’s hosts at a private luncheon for Teamster and other union leaders and escorted Reagan to private meetings with Teamster officials. After the November 1980 presidential election, Reagan named Presser as a labor advisor to his transition team goalie gloves sports direct. The media soon reported that Presser was reputed to have links to organized crime and that he was the object of a DOL civil suit for financial malfeasance. Reagan and his advisors claimed to have been unaware of the accusations, and Presser denied having any ties to organized crime. Just days after the story broke in the national press, however, New Jersey State Police witnesses testified that Presser was the primary contact for the DeCavalcante crime family of New Jersey and the Patriarca crime family of Boston whenever crime figures needed loans from Teamster pension funds. The courtroom testimony intensified the pressure on the Reagan transition team.

Democrats and leaders of the Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU), a Teamster reform group, demanded that Reagan remove Presser from the transition team. But Reagan aides said that the transition team had completed its task and the issue was now moot.

The U.S. Department of Labor began investigating Presser in 1981 after receiving allegations he had padded the Local 507 payroll with “ghost employees.” A secret affidavit outlining the government’s actions and preliminary findings was filed with a federal court in 1982.

On April 15, 1981, Frank Fitzsimmons announced he was stepping down as president of the Teamsters due to worsening health. Roy Williams and Jackie Presser were mentioned as possible successors, and some press reports indicated a fight for the presidency was under way. But Presser announced he would not be a candidate and that he was supporting Williams instead. Williams was opposed by Pete Camarata—a dock worker from Detroit, Michigan, and co-founder of the Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU). When TDU activists picketed the Teamster convention at which Williams was elected, Presser declared the picketers “an ever-changing cast of union drop-outs, college students, aimless transients and an elite group of zealots who clearly have the clout over the sign carriers” and declared them to be under the control of “Marxist leaders from the International Socialist Party.” He also repeatedly referred to Camarata as “Commie-Rat-A.” Camarata accused Presser of hiring a “squad of thugs” to intimidate delegates and provoke violence—allegations which would later prove accurate.

During the convention, Presser was asked whether he supported the reaffiliation of the union with the AFL-CIO. He told the press that his attitude was “very negative” toward reaffiliation.

In mid-June, Bill Presser died of a heart attack.

Jackie Presser, who was re-elected as an international vice president at the June convention, later reported that he earned $353,737 in 1981 from his various Teamster jobs. In 1982, he made $394,895.

Although turncoat mob leaders and others had long accused Jackie Presser of being a government informant, the first official confirmation did not come until August 22, 1981. In its August 31 issue, Time magazine reported that Fitzsimmons, Bill Presser and Jackie Presser had all served as government informants in the early 1970s to avoid possible prosecution. The information was revealed in declassified reports filed by IRS agents. Presser confirmed that he, his father and Fitzsimmons had met with federal agents, but declared that there had been only one meeting in 1972.

Days later, the Cleveland Plain Dealer newspaper reported that court documents and unidentified law enforcement officials had confirmed that Presser and his father had served as government informants while taking $300,000 in kickbacks from a Las Vegas public relations firm connected to organized crime. Presser categorically denied the report.

Soon after, however, editors at the Plain Dealer retracted the story despite protests from reporters. The mafia had long doubted claims that Presser was an informant, and the retraction helped renew mob confidence in Presser. The mob’s confidence in Presser was reaffirmed a year later when the Justice Department publicly ended its investigation into the alleged kickback scheme.

In February 1983, Presser was re-elected to the international union’s policy committee.

Just two months later, Roy Williams was convicted for conspiring to bribe U.S. Senator Howard Cannon. Williams announced he would resign as Teamsters president while appealing his conviction.

Williams’ conviction was no surprise to Presser. Beginning in 1979, Presser began providing the Justice Department with extensive information on Williams. It was Presser who had turned over the critical evidence which showed Williams had arranged to give Sen. Cannon a parcel of land as a bribe to defeat trucking deregulation legislation.

Press reports at the time claimed that a ferocious fight erupted over Williams’ successor. Williams’ resignation came just 15 days before the Teamster convention, at which a successor would have to be elected. In addition to Presser, other candidates for the presidency were reported to be M.E. (Andy) Anderson, president of the statewide Teamsters organization in California; Joseph Morgan, president of the Teamsters in Florida; Don Peters, president of the large Teamsters local in Chicago; and Ray Schoessling, secretary-treasurer of the international Teamsters union and a Williams appointee. The press reported that Presser had formed an alliance with Anderson, which gave him enough votes to win the presidency.

In fact, no internal fight existed. Instead, mafia families in Chicago, Cleveland and various cities on the East Coast had met shortly after Williams’ resignation announcement and picked Presser to lead the Teamsters. Initially, organized crime figures did not prefer Presser. But mob leaders Angelo Lonardo, Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno, and Milton “Maishe” Rockman (Scalish’s brother-in-law) met with mafia officials throughout the country to build support for a Presser presidency. The final decision was made at a meeting in a Chicago hotel attended by Jackie Cerone, Aiuppa, Lonardo and Rockman. Presser himself informed the FBI shortly after the mob meeting that he “had the support of all the East Coast families” and that he would be the next Teamsters’ president.

Jackie Presser was elected president of the Teamsters on April 21, 1983. He pledged to re-invigorate the union, organize new members, and end trucking deregulation. He also said he had no opinion as to whether the Teamsters should rejoin the AFL-CIO.

Shortly after his election, Presser told his FBI contacts that anyone who sought to do business with him needed to go through the mafia first.

Presser’s biggest opponent within the Teamsters was actually William J. McCarthy, president of Joint Council 10 (which covered all Teamster locals in New England). In an attempt to discredit McCarthy, Presser told the FBI that McCarthy had sought the support of organized crime in an unsuccessful attempt to persuade Presser to appoint him secretary-treasurer in 1983.

Reports later showed that Presser was paid more than a half million dollars in salary in 1983 (the year of his election to the presidency). He received $216,000 as secretary-treasurer and executive officer of Local 507; $42,500 as vice chairman of the Ohio Conference of Teamsters; and $59,500 as president of Teamsters Joint Council 41 in Ohio. His presidential salary was $216,000 a year.

On May 5, 1983, the U.S. Department of Labor settled a portion of its case against the former trustees of the Central States Pension Fund. Several insurance companies agreed to pay more than $6.75 million to the fund. Presser was not involved in the settlement, and the civil suit against him continued. But the same day DOL claimed victory against pension fund graft, Presser told FBI agents that organized crime still controlled the pension fund. In 1984, Presser and the remaining trustees settled their personal liability suit for $2 million.

Three years later, the U.S. Department of Labor settled its final civil case against Presser and the other Central States Pension Fund trustees. The agreement, which included Presser, turned operation of the pension fund over to a federal court until the year 2007. In addition, Presser and the other 17 trustees paid an additional $175,000 to reimburse the fund for certain other costs. It was the first time the Labor Department won restitution from individual pension fund trustees under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA).

Presser quickly established his control over the Teamsters during his first six months in office. He appointed Robert Holmes, a Detroit Teamster leader, as director of the Central Conference of Teamsters; Paul Locigno, a Teamster staffer from Ohio, as director of government affairs; Wallace Clements, a staff political coordinator in the Deep South, as political director; and Vicki Saporta, a longtime organizer, as organizing director. Presser also strengthened the union’s research and lobbying shops and established the Titan System, a computer networking system which established email communication throughout the union for the first time. He also began a major lobbying effort, particularly against a proposed labor racketeering bill.

In October 1983, the TDU announced a slate of candidates to try to oust Presser.

On November 8, 1983, Presser underwent triple bypass heart surgery in Cleveland.

By the end of 1983, Presser was making $755,474 a year.

On October 24, 1984, Presser named Weldon Mathis secretary-treasurer of the Teamsters. Mathis replaced Ray Schoessling, who retired effective January 1, 1986.

In 1984, Presser received more than $530,000 in pay. Presser was paid $224,000 in salary by Local 507, $59,500 by Teamsters Joint Council 41, $18,100 by the Ohio Conference of Teamsters, and $229,000 by the international union.

In April 1986, as Presser’s legal woes worsened, C. Sam Theodus, leader of Teamster Local 407 in Cleveland meat mallot, announced he would run as the TDU candidate against Presser. Presser’s legal problems, however, seemed unlikely to harm his chances for re-election.

At the regularly scheduled Teamsters convention in May 1986, Presser was elected to a full five-year term as Teamsters president. Presser arrived in the ballroom accompanied by composer Aaron Copland’s Fanfare for the Common Man. Four muscular men dressed as Roman centurions bearing him on a golden sedan chair. Despite being indicted days before on embezzlement and racketeering charges, Presser received 1,729 votes to Theodus’ 24 votes. Theodus conceded after the first hour of balloting, but Presser ordered the roll call to continue to the end (it lasted another three-and-a-half hours) to humiliate Theodus. After the balloting, delegates defeated proposals to cut the president’s salary by $100,000 and to prohibit national leaders from collecting multiple union salaries.

A month later, the press reported that Presser had received a total income of $588,353 from his four union positions.

In October 1987, Presser led the Teamsters back into the AFL-CIO. Presser had repeatedly said he was uninterested in reaffiliation, and AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland had been deeply angered by Presser’s attempt to merge with the ITU and to raid AFL-CIO affiliated unions with members in the publishing industry. But as Presser’s legal problems mounted and a federal takeover of the union appeared more and more likely, Presser sought reaffiliation as a means of shielding the Teamsters from the government. In August and September 1987, leaders of the AFL-CIO and the Teamsters secretly worked out a tentative reaffiliation agreement—exactly 30 years after the Teamsters were first expelled for corruption. Pushing reaffiliation on the AFL-CIO side were Robert Georgine, president of the Building and Construction Trades Department, AFL-CIO, and William H. Wynn, president of the United Food and Commercial Workers. Law enforcement officials said the reaffiliation undercut their effort to put the Teamsters under federal control.

A month after his election, Presser proposed a merger of the Teamsters and the International Typographical Union (ITU), a 70,000-member printers’ union. AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland, however, opposed the merger because the Teamsters were not members of the labor federation. The Teamsters and Typographers went ahead with their merger talks anyway, even as Kirkland supported an ITU group opposed to the merger. After nearly a year, merger seemed imminent despite a lawsuit by a small group of ITU members opposing the merger. But in the election for ITU officers held just days prior to the merger vote, the incumbent ITU president Joe Bingel and executive council leadership was ousted from office and an anti-merger slate elected. The merger referendum did not pass.

Presser continued to push merger with the Typographers, even as the new ITU president Robert Mc Michen and executive council leadership signed a merger agreement with the Graphic Communications International Union (GCIU). That effort collapsed in March 1985 after ITU members rejected merger with the GCIU. Again Presser reached a merger agreement with the ITU, and once more Kirkland went on the offensive against the merger. But in August 1985, ITU members once more rejected merger with the Teamsters.

In July 1986, the ITU finally agreed to a merger with the Communications Workers of America. That merger was approved in November 1986, ending Presser’s attempt to woo the ITU. The ITU ceased to exist. The printer locals joined the CWA and the mailer locals joined the IBT.

The Teamsters had endorsed Ronald Reagan for president in 1980, creating a furor within the American labor movement. However, AFL-CIO officials expressed hope that the Teamsters would endorse the Democratic candidate in 1984. This hope proved wrong.

Presser announced on June 7, 1983, that he intended to endorse Reagan for re-election. A formal endorsement did not come in January 1984 as expected, and Presser strongly criticized the AFL-CIO for endorsing Democratic candidate Walter Mondale too early in the primary cycle.

Worried Republicans waited throughout the spring and summer for a Teamster endorsement, but it was not forthcoming. In early August, Presser finally told White House aides that Teamster support for Reagan hinged on whether Reagan would remove Donald Dotson as chairman of the National Labor Relations Board. The Dotson-led labor board had issued a string of decisions which the Teamsters considered anti-labor. On the eve of the Republican National Convention, Presser told the press that Dotson’s removal was a “do-or-die situation” for the Teamsters—which held more NLRB-supervised organizing elections than any other union. Reagan refused to fire Dotson, although presidential aides said that a compromise would be reached over the NLRB’s actions.

Just a week later, the Teamsters endorsed Reagan. Vice President George H. W. Bush accepted the endorsement in person. The Teamster endorsement was the only large labor union endorsement Reagan received. In apparent gratitude, Reagan named Presser to the second Reagan transition team as a labor advisor.

Trucking: Deregulation had led to intense competition in the trucking industry, and many union trucking firms were nearing bankruptcy or were in financial difficulty. In January 1983, the employer organization which governed collective bargaining activities in the trucking industry asked the Teamsters to re-open its contract and approve significant wage reductions. Presser agreed to do both, so long as laid-off union members were given preference in re-hiring. The employers agreed. The agreement was announced on August 16, 1983. But in a surprise vote, Teamster members rejected the new wage agreement 94,086 to 13,082—easily reaching the two-thirds majority necessarily to reject a contract under the Teamster constitution. The results were a serious blow to Presser’s prestige and power in the union.

Trucking industry talks began again in January 1985. Presser pushed for limits on the use of non-union subcontractors and subsidiaries, as well as wage and pension increases. Employers pushed for the establishment of a two-tier wage scale that would set permanently lower salaries for new drivers.

Negotiators reached a new contract on April 1, 1985, as the old agreement expired. Teamsters officials initially claimed the settlement retained a single wage scale. In fact the agreement created a two-tier pay system, with new workers receiving wages 30 percent lower than incumbent drivers. The agreement also eliminated cost-of-living increases and significantly lower wages for temporary workers. The total wage and benefit package provided an increase of 10 percent over three years, the lowest increase since a national agreement had first been established in 1964. Presser and other Teamster leaders were forced to lobby hard for passage of the agreement. After a month-long ratification battle, Teamsters members narrowly ratified the contract by a 53.2 percent majority.

A third trucking industry contract was settled in May 1988. By this time, however, Presser was too ill to participate actively in any of the negotiating sessions. The new collective bargaining agreement was reached on March 30, 1988. Teamster members cast 63.5 percent of all ballots against the pact. But since the “no” vote did not meet the two-thirds majority required to overturn a contract and authorize a strike, Presser ordered national union officials to impose the pact.

Package delivery: The Teamsters’ contract with United Parcel Service (UPS) expired on June 1, 1985. Presser sought a two-year replacement agreement that would provide a wage increase. Presser opened contract talks nearly a year early, and won a moderate wage increase. But four Teamster members sued to prevent a vote on the contract, arguing Presser had given members no time to study or debate the proposal. A federal judge agreed and impounded the ballots on September 19. Undeterred, Presser once more lobbied hard for the a new contract. A second vote was held, and 70 percent of voters approved the pact.

In 1987, Presser renegotiated the 1985 contract. This time, negotiations opened late and a new agreement not reached until two weeks after expiration of the existing pact. The tentative agreement provided a minor wage increase—only 30 cents an hour. A majority of UPS members voted against the collective bargaining agreement (35,036 for approval, 36,093 against). But since the vote fell far short of the two-thirds necessary to reject a contract, the agreement was ratified and imposed on angry workers.

Carhaul: Shortly after ratification of the UPS pact, Presser began negotiations on behalf of Teamster truck drivers who deliver new automobiles to dealerships (carhaulers). The carhaul contract expired on June 1, 1985. Presser negotiated a new agreement in mid-June which provided for a minimal wage increase of 60 cents an hour, imposed a two-tier wage system, reduced pay for trips of more than 1,100 miles, eliminated cost-of-living adjustments, and provided for only half-pay for loaded return trips. The union’s 21,000 carhaul drivers and support personnel rejected the contract by a 4-to-1 majority. Although no strike was planned, the union was forced to strike on July 26, 1985, after employers sought additional wage and benefit concessions during the subsequent round of negotiations. After a 19-day strike, a new contract was tentatively approved which offered the same wage increase. However, management agreed to remove the half-pay loaded return trip proposal. The two-tier wage system was retained, but the wage difference between incumbents and new hires was dramatically reduced. The employers also agreed to let members vote on any concessionary economic proposals during the life of the contract (under the previous agreement, only Teamster leadership voted on these changes), and were able to make permanent a temporary provision allowing companies to divert freight from terminals where there have been layoffs. But the pact’s initial rejection and the snap strike were both seen as blows to Presser’s leadership.

In early 1985, the President’s Commission on Organized Crime issued a sealed subpoena ordering Presser to testify about mafia influence in the Teamsters union. Presser filed suit to have the subpoena thrown out. In March, a federal court refused to bar the subpoena.

The Commission held its April 1985 hearings in Chicago, and focused those sessions on organized crime involvement in labor unions. During the hearings, Commission members charged that the mafia controlled the Teamsters, the Laborers, HERE and the International Longshoremen’s Association. Former mobsters described numerous syndicate cash bribes and other payments to Presser. Other witnesses testified that Presser had given his approval to the Brotherhood of Loyal Americans and Strong Teamsters (BLAST), a group set up to intimidate TDU members. Testimony before the panel indicated that Presser ordered BLAST members—including regional and local Teamster leaders and staff—to disrupt TDU meetings during the 1983 Teamster national convention. BLAST members drove speakers from podiums, tore down banners, seized and threw away literature, beat TDU members and ejected them from the convention hall. “We should be doing more of that. I’m going to tell you, I’m not going to let up on these people,” one witness quoted Presser.

During his own testimony, Presser invoked his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination 15 times.

Presser’s silence angered the Commission’s members. In October 1985, the Commission renewed its efforts to question Presser after it was revealed that the Department of Justice had decided not to prosecute him for padding the payroll at Local 507.

In the fall of 1985, the Commission heard testimony from former Teamsters president Roy Williams about Presser’s connections to organized crime. Under a grant of immunity, Williams testified extensively about Presser’s offer to fix a 1974 criminal case for $10,000 and his desire to obtain kickbacks for helping to arrange a 1975 Teamsters pension fund loan to organized crime figures so they could purchase a Las Vegas casino.

In March 1986, the Commission released a preliminary report on organized crime influence in the Teamsters. The Commission found corruption “so pervasive” that it recommended that the federal government seek court supervision of the union. Department of Justice lawyers immediately began preparing a civil lawsuit to place the Teamsters under federal control.

Presser vigorously opposed the Justice Department’s efforts. He planned a five-year legal, public relations, legislative and political counter-attack to keep the Teamsters free from court supervision, and sought and won AFL-CIO support for his proposals. He also led a massive lobbying effort in the Congress to oppose the takeover on cost and libertarian philosophical grounds designed to appeal to Republicans.

In May 1988, federal prosecutors cut back their effort to take over the Teamsters after losing a criminal trial against Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno. Salerno and others had been accused of labor racketeering and controlling the election of Roy Williams and Jackie Presser as Teamsters president. The failure to convict Salerno led prosecutors to believe that their case against the union might be weaker than they thought. Nevertheless, an immediate trusteeship was sought to eliminate mob influence in the union.

The 1981 investigation into Presser’s payroll-padding at Local 507 finally led to a decision by the U.S. Department of Justice to prosecute Presser in June 1984. Five days later, the Los Angeles Times named Presser as a U.S. government criminal informant. The report quoted unnamed FBI sources, making this the first time that government officials had confirmed the unverified accusations of mob informants and other reports.

But nearly a year passed before any prosecutorial action was taken. During this time, the Justice Department debated whether to protect Presser as a source or prosecute him. Finally, on May 16, 1985, top Justice Department officials ordered federal attorneys to drop their prosecution of Presser over concerns that his extensive cooperation with the government would be revealed.

Outraged members of Congress demanded an investigation into the handling of the politically sensitive case. Over the next year, Senate investigators learned that FBI field agents had not kept FBI officials fully informed of their actions, that FBI field agents may have improperly approved illegal actions, and that FBI officials did not keep DOJ and DOL officials fully informed of their relationship with Presser.

Presser’s attorneys claimed that the FBI had given him permission to initiate and maintain the payroll-padding scheme as a means of shielding him from mob suspicions. Such permission, which is permitted under FBI and DOJ rules and federal law, should bar prosecution, Presser’s lawyers argued.

Federal grand juries in Cleveland and Washington, D.C., soon opened investigations into the FBI’s handling of the Presser case as well as whether the promises made by FBI agents had been authorized. Justice Department leaders eventually undertook a prosecution of one of the FBI field agents who handled Presser, claiming that he had not been authorized to give Presser permission to engage in the payroll-padding scheme.

In May 1986, federal prosecutors again indicted Jackie Presser for fraud.

Presser’s declining health caused numerous delays in his trial. He had surgery to remove two cancerous tumors in January 1987. His cancer returned in June 1987, and he spent several months undergoing chemotherapy and recuperating. He underwent surgery again in the fall of 1987 to remove another cancerous tumor. He suffered additional heart and pituitary gland problems throughout the winter and spring of 1988.

On May 4, 1988, Jackie Presser told the Teamsters executive board that he was taking a four-month leave of absence due to his health problems. Weldon Mathis was named the union’s acting president.

Presser was diagnosed with a brain tumor 10 days later, and underwent surgery to have the tumor removed. Presser went home, but was re-admitted to the hospital on June 27 suffering from cardiac problems, a blood clot in his lung and pituitary gland dysfunction.

Jackie Presser died in Cleveland on the evening of Saturday, July 9, 1988. He was four weeks shy of his 62nd birthday. The proximate cause of death was cardiac arrest, a complication of his cancer and ongoing cardiac problems.

Hours after Presser’s funeral on July 12, Teamster leaders met a nearby restaurant and agreed to support William J. McCarthy as his successor.

Presser and his first wife Pat had two children, a daughter Bari (born 1953) and a son, Gary. Presser divorced his second wife, Carmen, in 1983. The couple had two children. Presser’s son, Gary, was elected vice president of Local 507.

Presser was an avid golfer. He also enjoyed fine food where to get cheap authentic jerseys, and patronized five-star restaurants.

Presser was the first labor leader to be named to the Greater Cleveland Growth Association board of directors (the city’s chamber of commerce). He also worked with the Special Olympics, and organized tournaments for blind golfers.

A 1992 made-for-TV movie was produced for HBO about his time in office, called Teamster Boss: The Jackie Presser Story, which starred Brian Dennehy and Jeff Daniels.

Ghanta Awards

The Ghanta Awards (sometimes abbreviated as The Ghanta) is an award presented in recognition of the worst in film in Bollywood. Founded by Prashant Rajkhowa and Karan Anshuman in 2010 thermos aluminum water bottle, the annual Ghanta Awards ceremony in Mumbai takes place about the same time as other major Bollywood awards. The term ghanta female soccer goalie, which literally means bell, is used in its more irreverent forms. The awards themselves are a large golden bell that is typically used for idol worship.

INvision Entertainment exclusively holds the IP rights for the Ghantas Since 2013.

The Ghanta Awards is a live show shaped by online voting by the audience. The public can vote on 13 ‘worst of’ categories.

The first Ghanta Awards ceremony was held in February 2011 at Tian Santorini to honour the worst in film of the 2010 film season. The last 2 editions have been held at J W Marriott on 15 February 2013 & 14 March 2014 respectively. The Ghanta Awards 2015 are slated to be held at the same venue on 8 March 2015.

Earlier, mainstream media film critics such as Rajeev Masand and Karan Anshuman picked the nominees and put them out for public vote on the awards’ website. Voting closed a day before the event. Thousands of film enthusiasts usually participate in voting. Since 2014, the nominees have been decided by an internal team of professional writers and film enthusiasts at the company that manages the event.

The ceremony, typically held around the same time as other popular Bollywood film awards, is hosted by stand-up comedians of repute (the comedy group East India Comedy since 2014) and is interspersed with sketches mocking the worst film of the year nominees.

Collecting in person

Most winners do not attend the ceremony to collect their awards. Notable exceptions include Sonam Kapoor (Mausam/WTF Was That) and Ritesh Deshmukh (Grand Masti/That’s Anything But Sexy).

1st Ghanta Awards (2011) Nominees and Winners. Winners are listed first and highlighted in boldface.

2nd Ghanta Awards (2012) Nominees and Winners. Winners are listed first and highlighted in boldface.

Here’s The Complete Winner List of the Ghanta Awards 2014:

Worst Film: Himmatwala

Worst Director: Sajid Khan For Himmatwala

Worst Actress: Priyanka Chopra For Zanjeer

Worst Actor: Prateik Babbar For Issaq

Worst Couple: Aamir Khan and Katrina Kaif For Dhoom 3

Worst Supporting Actor: Imran Khan For Once Upon a Time in Mumbai Dobaara best meat tenderizer!

Worst Supporting Actress: Ameesha Patel For Race 2 And Shortcut Romeo

Shit Nobody Saw: Sona Spa

Worst Remake: Krrish 3

That’s Anything But Sexy: Grand Masti

Kuoting Krap With Karan: Salman Khan

On March 8, 2015, the ceremony was held presenting the awards:

Worst Film: Humshakals

Worst Director: Farah Khan for Happy New Year

Worst Actress: Sonakshi Sinha for Holiday and Action Jackson

Worst Actor: Saif Ali Khan, Ram Kapoor and Riteish Deshmukh for Humshakals

WTF was That!: Ajay Devgn’s genitals being a good luck charm in Action Jackson

Anything But Sexy: Sonakshi Sinha as a Boxer in Holiday

Special Sajid Khan Lifetime Achievement Award: Sajid Khan

Worst Song: Himesh Reshamya for Icecream Khaungi from The Xposé

Worst Case of Miscasting: Sonam Kapoor for Khoobsurat

Shit Nobody Saw: Dishkiyaoon

Worst Brand Endorsement: Vivek Oberoi for Swacch Bharat Campaign

Most Controversial Controversy: TOI and Deepika Padukone for Cleavage Gate!

Worst Couple: Arjun Kapoor and Ranveer Singh in Gunday

Worst Debut: Mika Singh and Shaan in Balwinder Singh Famous Ho Gaya

Worst Supporting Role: Kamaal R Khan or KRK for Ek Villain.

In April 2016, the nominees for the awards were announced waterproof case for 5s, with the winners being named the following month.

Worst Film

Worst Director

Worst Actor

Worst Actress

Worst Song

Worst Debut

Worst Supporting Actor

WTF Was That!

Worst Couple

Worst Miscasting

Most Controversial Controversy

Shit Nobody Saw

The Ghanta Tweet of the year

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Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, 1. jarl av Halifax

Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax (født 16. april 1881 på Powderham Castle i Devon i England, død 23

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. desember 1959 i Garrowby Hall i Yorkshire) var en britisk konservativ politiker. Fra 1926-31 var han visekonge av India.

Lord Halifax er ofte regnet som en av arkitektene bak Storbritannias ettergivenhetspolitikk overfor Tyskland før andre verdenskrig; han var utenriksminister i Chamberlains regjering fra 1938 etter Anthony Eden som gikk av i protest. Lord Halifax var med og forhandlet frem Münchenavtalen som lot Tyskland annektere deler av Tsjekkoslovakia. Statsminister Chamberlain fremholdt at avtalen betydde «fred i vår tid». Ett år etter angrep Tyskland Polen og andre verdenskrig brøt ut.

Etter at Winston Churchill tok over som statsminister 10. mai 1940 fortsatte Lord Halifax som utenriksminister i ni måneder, derpå ble han utnevnt til ambassadør i USA.

Halifax var av Yorkshire-slekt, fjerde sønn av Charles Wood, 2nd Viscount Halifax. Han og søsknene var sykelige; hans tre storebrødre døde unge. Dermef ble der han som skulle arve farens formue og sete i House of Lords. Han ble født uten venstrehånd og vissen venstrearm, men bedrev likevel ridning Women Clothing Dresses, jakt og skyting. Dette og hans anglo-katolske fromhet, likesom faren, fikk Winston Churchill til å gi ham tilnavnet «Holy Fox». I 2009 ble familiewns røtter sporet tilbake til vikingewkrigeren Magnus Irwinsson, som kom til England i 1066 hydration belt running, med Harald Hardrådes hær.

Halifax’ barndom ble delt mellom to hus i Yorkshire, Hickleton Hall nær Doncaster og Garrowby. Han ble utdannet ved Eton og Christ Church i Oxford, og ble så Fellow ved All Souls College.

Halifax var først offiser og avanserte til major ved et dragonregiment]. Han var 1910-1925 (konservativt) medlem av underhuset, 1921-22 understatssekretær] for koloniene i Lloyd Georges ministerium, oktober 1922-januar 1924 undervisningsminister (under Bonar Law og Stanley Baldwin) samt november 1924-oktober 1925 jordbruksminister i Baldwins andre ministerium.

Som minister viste han sitt store administrative talent og ble ansett som særlig fremragende i jordbruksanliggender. Han var en man av dypt religiøs legning og skrev en biografi om John Keble (i serien «Leaders of the church»).

Han ble utnevnt til visekonge over India den 31. oktober 1925, og ble kort tid etter adlet som baron Irwin og tiltrådte sitt nye embede] 1. april 1926.

I Halifaxs tid som visekonge i India gjennomførte Simonkommisjonen sitt arbeide. Han hadde da i oppdrag å forsøke å legge grunnen for en fremtidig status som dominion for India, men han mislyktes med å få indiske politiske organisasjoner til å samarbeide med kommisjonen. Forsøkenene på å demme opp for Mahatma Gandhis kampanjer i sivil ulydighet var også mislykkede, og Halifax så seg nødt til å forhandle med den fengslede Gandhi, noe som ledet frem til pakten Gandhi-Irwin.

På 1930-tallet hadde Halifax flere ministerposter i den britiske regjeringen og var utenriksminister 1938-1940. Lord Halifax var med og forhandlet frem Münchenavtalen som lot Tyskland annektere deler av Tsjekkoslovakia. Halifax ble ansett som en tenkelig statsministerkandidat etter Neville Chamberlain – hvis appeasementpolitikk han hadde støttet – i mai 1940, men Winston Churchill ble i stedet foretrukket. At Halifax ikke hadde sete i underhuset ble betraktet som et problem. Halifax fortsatte som utenriksminister under Churchill i ni måneder til, men ble senere på året sendt som ambassadør til Washington D.C., en post han opprettholdt til 1946.

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Amaurys Valle

Amaurys Raúl Valle Mencia (born 18 January 1990) is a Cuban track and field athlete who competes in the 400 metres hurdles best hydration pack for running women. His personal best for the event is 49.22 seconds, set in 2012.

Born in Sancti Spíritus, Valle emerged through the younger age category events, starting with a bronze medal at the 2007 World Youth Championships in Athletics, and then another bronze at the 2008 World Junior Championships in Athletics with a national junior record of 49.56 seconds. He competed sparingly in 2009 and 2010, but returned to the international scene a year later.

He won the 400 m hurdles at the 2011 ALBA Games and was also part of Cuba’s silver medal-winning 4×400 metres relay team. He was chosen to compete for Cuba at the 2011 Pan American Games and although he was eliminated in the hurdles, he helped the Cuban relay team reach the final, where it won the gold medal after Valle was swapped for fellow hurdler Omar Cisneros. Valle beat Cisneros at the 2012 IAAF Centenary meet in Havana, setting a personal best of 49.22 seconds to finally improve upon his time from 2008 fabric depiller. This gained him the qualifying standard for the 2012 London Olympics and he was later selected for the Cuban Olympic team.He placed 1st in the 1st Heat but was eliminated in the Semi-Finals of the 400m Male Hurdles clothing pill shaver. He dipped under fifty seconds again at the 2012 Ibero-American Championships in Athletics, where his run was enough for a silver medal behind Puerto Rico’s Eric Alejandro.

1: Competed only in the heat diy meat tenderizer.